This came out last year, but I have been urged to republish as ideas about trafficking get more and more reductionist and simplistic.

The Sex in ‘Sex Trafficking’

Why do we think migrant sex workers need rescuing?

American Sexuality, Autumn 2007

By Laura Agustín

The title of this publication notwithstanding, I don’t believe there are national sexualities. But our language reflects vague impressions of how people in other cultures do sex—a tongue-kiss, ‘French’; anal penetration, ‘Greek’; penis-between-the-breasts, ‘Cuban’. They are stereotypes most of us don’t take seriously, and the national tags vary according to what country we’re standing in. But everywhere we have notions that out there somewhere are strange, wonderful, and exotic kinds of sex waiting for us to try.

But what about ’sex trafficking’, denounced in the media as a rampant crime linked to global gangs and insecurity at borders? The U.S. government, claiming to be the world’s moral arbiter, spends millions issuing an annual report card rating other countries’ efforts to combat this crime and trying to rescue victims around the world. The implication is clear: ‘American’ ideas about sex and morality are the right ones for the planet. In other words, if the ideal of ‘American’ sexual relationships is accepted everywhere, the enslavement of women and children will end.

In the West, in the present, many people believe that sex should express love. This ‘good’ sex is also said to provide a key way to discover personal identity—who we really are, our innermost selves. It is assumed that feelings of love increase pleasure (quantitatively) and intensify it (qualitatively), resulting in meaningful passion that is expressed through long term, emotionally committed relationships. Other sexual relations then seem wrong, among them anonymous, public, and ‘promiscuous’ sex. Above all, ‘real’ love and sex are said to be incompatible with rationality and work—at least that is the way many wish it to be.

At the same time, people wonder: Is there a boom underway in the buying and selling of sex, part of a general sexualization of contemporary culture? Since objective data is impossible to gather when businesses operate outside the law, we cannot know whether sex-and-money transactions are going on more than ever, but we certainly know we see and hear about them more. So although we tell a powerful story about sex and love belonging together, we also understand that people want other kinds of sex. We hear about people who buy and sell sex from our friends, acquaintances, the media, and sometimes through reporting on migration—which is where ’sex trafficking’ comes in.

In a context of increasing hostility toward migrants, it grates on people’s nerves to think that many might prefer to use sex to earn money instead of washing dishes, babysitting, working in a sweatshop, or picking fruit—for much less money. But migrants—who come in all sizes, shapes and colors, and from infinitely varying backgrounds—are just trying to get by as best they can on what can be a very rocky path. Migrants who cross borders to work need to be flexible and adaptable to succeed. They often do not know beforehand how they will be living, and they may not know the language. They may not find the food, music, or films they like, or the mosque, temple, or church. Everything looks different; they feel lonely. They may feel enormous pressure to pay back debts contracted to undertake their journey, and they may fear being picked up by the police. But they have arrived with a plan, some names and addresses, and some amount of money.

When migration policy is tightened at the same time that low-status jobs are abundantly available, a market opens up to help migrants cross borders. Some of this looks just like legal travel, but much of it involves bigger risks and higher costs, and some entails egregious exploitation—whether migrants are destined to work in mines, private homes, sweatshops, agriculture, or the sex industry.

Some migrants prefer to do anything rather than sell sex—for instance, ‘mules’ who take on the job of carrying drugs inside their bodies. Once across a border, past work experience and diplomas, whether white-collar or blue, are usually not recognized. Migrant schoolteachers, engineers, nurses, hairdressers and a range of others find only low-status, low-paying jobs open to them. Many of them, from everywhere on the social spectrum, would rather work in the sex industry—in one or the other of a huge variety of jobs.

Bars, restaurants, cabarets, private clubs, brothels, discotheques, saunas, massage parlors, sex shops, peep shows, hotel rooms, homes, bookshops, strip and lap-dance venues, dungeons, Internet sites, beauty parlors, clubhouses, cinemas, public toilets, phone lines, shipboard festivities, as well as modelling, swinging, stag and fetish parties—sex is sold practically everywhere. Where these are businesses operating without licences, undocumented workers can easily be employed: the paradox of prohibition. For migrants who are already working without official permission, these jobs may well seem no riskier than any other.

To understand why headlines insist that all migrant women who sell sex are ‘trafficked’, we need to go back to the popular idea that the proper place of sex is at home, between ‘committed’ lovers and family. When only this kind of relationship is imagined to be equitable and valid, it becomes easier to think that women from other cultures are poor, backward, vulnerable objects passively waiting for exploitation by rapacious men. With these notions, from the point of view of the comfortably sheltered, no one would opt to sell sex and migrants must be forced to do it.

What can we know about the actual sex involved in this moral conflict? We know all ’sex acts’ are not the same in the context of loving relationships, and they are not all the same just because money is exchanged for them. Migrant workers sell millions of sexual experiences every day around the world to customers from different cultures, learning and teaching through experience how physicality mixes with skill, sophistication, hostility, tenderness, insecurity, respect.

When we have sex with others we influence each other, and although a single interaction may not have a lasting impact, many sexual agreements are complex or often repeated. Occasionally, a single experience can change the course of a life. In a commercial relationship, on one side are people flexible about how they make money, on the other are people wanting to fulfill a desire or experiment. These relationships take place in actual social contexts—indeed, sex itself is often subsidiary to the conspicuous consumption of alcohol or entertainment, to cruising or just to men being men together. Since everywhere men are granted more permission to experiment with sex and have more money to spend, their tastes help determine what’s offered and with whom, whether they be women, men, or transsexuals.

These millions of relationships, which take place every day, cannot be reduced to undifferentiated sex acts or eliminated from cultural consideration just because they entail money. Both client and sex worker may be acting seduction, flirtation, and affection when they are together, but camaraderie, friendship, love, and marriage also occur. And both sides are fascinated by sexual differences, imagined to be ‘national’, exotic, and real.

How we perform sex, what we feel when we do particular things, depends on our cultural (not national) contexts: how we were taught to do them and by whom, what we were permitted to try out, whether we talked to others about what we were doing and what we wanted. When we engage sexually with others, we learn and teach, we influence each other and change how we do things—often without knowing it. Because people are poor, or have left their countries to work abroad, or take money in exchange for sex does not change their humanity, their capacity to feel, respond, learn, or teach, whether sex is at issue or not.

‘Sex trafficking’ headlines claim that all migrant women who sell sex are invariably being abused, without regard to their diverse backgrounds and without asking them how they feel. But many reject being defined as sexually vulnerable and in need of ‘rescuing’ and protection. Everyone does not feel the same way about sex—in rich countries like the United States, or in any other country. Nationality is a poor way to understand human beings and their sexualities.

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Prostituées d’Europe
Un autre regard sur la prostitution

Mathilde Bouvard

La Maison du Livre
24-28, rue de Rome 1060 Bruxelles

EXPOSITION
du samedi 29 novembre 2008 au mercredi 7 janvier 2009

VERNISSAGE
samedi 29 novembre 2008 à partir de 18h00

« Prostituées d’Europe » est un projet socio-artistique à dimension européenne. Mathilde Bouvard a parcouru l’Europe à la rencontre de travailleur(e)s du sexe. Elle s’est rendu à Paris, Bruxelles, Berlin, Prague, Stockholm, Budapest, Hambourg, Amsterdam, Genève, Londres, Berne et Marseille. De ces rencontres sont restés des témoignages, des photographies, et parfois de simples moments de partage, que l´on ne trouvera sur aucun mur.

De ce photoreportage découle une sélection de 45 photographies en noir et blanc, accompagnées de 3 peintures sur étoffes et de témoignages écrits. Les photographies reflètent un regard différent sur la prostitution, loin des stéréotypes habituels qui évoluent entre le misérabilisme et l’image du « pied de grue ». Car la prostitution, comme le disait Pascale, ancienne du Bois de Boulogne, « c’est loin d’être un bout de trottoir. C’est toute une vie. Un art de vie. » Suivant les traces de feu Grisélidis Réal, les travailleurs du sexe rencontrés ont partagé avec Mathilde Bouvard un petit bout de cette vie.

L’exposition est complétée de créations vidéos et sonores réalisées par Clémence Demesme, vidéaste et Claire Fenateau, disc-jockey, musicienne et réalisatrice de documents sonores.

Les visiteurs trouveront également une information très complète sur la prostitution, avec l’aide des différentes associations rencontrées, et particulièrement de « Espace P » à Bruxelles. Les photographies ainsi que d´autres produits seront mis en vente, une partie des bénéfices revenant aux associations, afin de leur permettre de continuer leur travail dans les meilleures conditions.

AUTOUR DE L’EXPOSITION…

Samedi 29 novembre à 20h30 :
Le vernissage (entrée libre) sera suivi d´un concert d´Odette Goffard : VIES DE FEMMES , FEMMES DE VIES.

0dette G0FFARD est l’une des fondatrices et animatrices de la Casa NICARAGUA à Liège, dans le quartier de Pierreuse, un haut lieu de la solidarité, où s’organisent des fêtes, des concerts, des rencontres poétiques, des expositions.
Paf: 4 euros - 2,5 euros étudiants et chômeurs, entrée libre pour les sans-papiers

Jeudi 11 décembre à 20h :
DE LA GRISETTE à LA COURTISANE,
Les Prostituées dans la littérature du 18è siècle
Conférence par Valérie ANDRÈ.

Valérie ANDRÉ est Maître de Recherches au FNRS et enseignante à l’ULB; conférencière lors de la mémorable soirée « Les roux dans la Littérature » à la Maison du Livre, elle est l’auteur, e.a. de Réflexions sur la question rousse, Paris, éd. Tallandier, 2007, et de Le Roman du libertinage, 1782-1815. Redécouverte et réhabilitation , Paris, Champion, 1997.
Paf: 4 euros – 2,5 euros étudiants et chômeurs, entrée libre pour les sans-papiers.

Samedi 13 décembre, de 17h30 à 3h00 du matin.
« ESPACE P » FÊTE SES 20 ANS !
Une manifestation pour faire le point, sensibiliser l’opinion publique et faire la fête.
Au Pathé Palace, 85 boulevard Anspach à 1000 Bruxelles.

LE PROJET
« Prostituées d’Europe » est un projet socioartistique de photoreportage à l’échelle européenne. Mathilde Bouvard, peintre, photographe et scénographe s’y consacre depuis le mois de février 2007. Son objectif, en réalisant des expositions, est de permettre à un large public de découvrir l’aspect social et humain de cette activité particulière ainsi que la situation très complexe de ce sujet délicat au niveau européen.

Le projet est soutenu par la communauté européenne et le programme Youth in Action.
L’exposition aura lieu à Paris, dans le cadre des Assises Européennes de la Prostitution au Théâtre de l’Odéon en mars 2009, à Berlin, à la Maison du Livre de Bruxelles, à Genève (juin 2009, en interaction avec l’inauguration du Centre d´archives Grisélidis Réal et la journée internationale des travailleurs du sexe) et Avignon.

Elle sera constituée non seulement des photos et des témoignages recueillis mais aussi de compositions picturales et créations vidéos et musicales. S’ajoutera à cela toute une campagne d’information sur la prostitution,qui est chose bien différente de l´esclavage sexuel, même si l’amalgame persiste trop souvent. Le travail des associations sera également mis en valeur, à travers des écrits, mais aussi des conférences et des ateliers.

LES ARTISTES

Mathilde BOUVARD
Photographies et Peintures

Clémence DEMESME
Créations vidéos

Claire FENATEAU
Créations sonores

LES PARTENAIRES

Espace P
La Maison du Livre

Informations pratiques

Chef de Projet :
Mathilde BOUVARD
Grünbergerstr.87
10247 Berlin
Tel : 0033 6 20 28 17 86
Ou : 0049 151 49 05 03 23
Email : prostitutesofeurope@ymail.com
Ou : mabouvard@yahoo.fr
www.myspace.com/prostitutesofeurope

La Maison du Livre :
Direction : Joëlle BAUMERDER
24 – 28, rue de Rome
1060 Bruxelles
Tel : 02/ 543 12 20
Fax : 02/ 543 12 30
Email : info@lamaisondulivre.be
www.lamaisondulivre.be

Espace P… à Bruxelles:
Coordinatrice : Isabelle JARAMILLO
116, rue des Plantes
1030 Bruxelles
Tel/Fax : 02/ 219 98 14
Email : espacepbxl@gmail.com
www.espacep.be

Contact presse : Mathilde Bouvard 0033 6 20 28 17 86
prostitutesofeurope@ymail.com
www.myspace.com/prostitutesofeurope

Exposition :
Du 29 novembre au 7 janvier, les mardis, jeudis et vendredis de 14h à 17h, le mercredi de 14h à 19h, et les samedis de 10h à 13h ou sur rendez-vous.
Fermé le 27 décembre.
Entrée libre.

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John Rechy’s colourful writing on cruising and hustling made me think again how little of this sort of thing we ever read: illuminating descriptions of human activities involving sex and money without moralising or epidemiological baggage.

A few years ago I proposed a cultural framework for studying commercial sex as an alternative to a tradition that has produced the same knowledge over and over and over. I’m making the article available here as a pdf. Then I’m copying the first section of it into this post.

The follow-up to this came in 2007 with a special journal edition with eight articles using the cultural framework - more on that in a later post. Here’s how it began.

The Cultural Study of Commercial Sex - Sexualities, Vol 8, No 5, pp 618-631 December 2005

Why create this framework

Societies’ twin reactions to commercial sex – moral revulsion and resigned tolerance – have paradoxically permitted its uncontrolled development in the underground economy and impeded cultural research on the phenomena involved. Affirmations that the global sex industry is growing and its forms proliferating are conventional in government and non-governmental fora, in the communications media and in scholarly writing. Commercial sex businesses and trafficking for sexual exploitation are blamed for massive violations of human rights, but the supporting information is unreliable, given the lack of agreement on basic definitions, the difficulty of counting clandestine objects and the fact that much of this stigmatized activity forms part of conventional social life.

Little work exists in a sex-industry framework, but if we agree that it refers to all commercial goods and services of an erotic and sexual kind, then a rich field of human activities is involved. And every one of these activities operates in a complex socio-cultural context in which the meaning of buying and selling sex is not always the same. The cultural study of commercial sex would use a cultural-studies, interdisciplinary approach to fill gaps in knowledge about commercial sex and relate the findings to other social and cultural concepts. Recent work has demonstrated how people who sell sex are  excluded from studies of migration, of service work and of informal economies, and are instead examined only in terms of ‘prostitution’, a concept that focuses on transactions between individuals, especially their personal motivations (Sanchez, 2003; Agustín, 2004b, 2005). With the academic, media and ‘helping’ gaze fixed almost exclusively on women who sell sex, the great majority of phenomena that make up the sex industry are ignored, and this in itself contributes to the intransigent stigmatization of these women. While the sexual cultures of lesbian/gay/ bisexual/ transgender people are being slowly integrated into general concepts of culture, commercial sex is usually disqualified and treated only as a moral issue. This means that a wide range of ways of study are excluded. A cultural-studies approach, on the contrary, would look at commercial sex in its widest sense, examining its intersections with art, ethics, consumption, family life, entertainment, sport, economics, urban space, sexuality, tourism and criminality, not omitting issues of race, class, gender, identity and citizenship. An approach that considers commercial sex as culture would look for the everyday practices involved and try to reveal how our societies distinguish between activities considered normatively ‘social’ and activities denounced as morally wrong. This means examining a range of activities that take in both commerce and sex.

The purpose of this article is to point out the scarcity of research in these areas and reveal the kinds of issue that are up for study. Although public debate and academic theory on commercial sex abound, few participants are familiar with the wide variety of forms and sites involved; most are dealing with stereotypes and interested solely in street prostitution. This is an area where more information and images need to be disseminated, a project for which I make a small beginning here with some descriptive material from Spanish sex venues.

Since this is the beginning of what I hope will become a new field, I do not here offer any solutions to what is too often characterized as a ‘social problem’. Rather, I hope to interest others in taking up the call to study not ‘prostitution’ but the sex industry in new ways and to gather much more information on the object of governance before offering blanket solutions. This does not mean that important moral and ethical issues are not at stake nor that there is not widespread injustice in the industry. On the contrary, my proposal takes these injustices very seriously, laments the absence of workable solutions up to now and hopes that with better research these may be found.

Further headings are How study has proceeded so far, Definitions of the sex industry in general, Local particulars: examples from Spain, Elements of culture and researcher positionality and a raft of good References.

Get the whole article here.

Obviously everything is culture, but for more examples of writing on sex-industry cultures outside the well-worn paths see:

Soon: How the special edition turned out. Stay tuned.

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You know how it is when you are staying at someone’s house and you finish your own book and have to look around the alien shelves for something you’ll like? That’s how I wound up re-reading John Rechy’s City of Night, published in 1963. I first read it decades ago and had completely forgotten the intensity of his images of cruising and hustling and the symbiosis of human relationships in one sector of the sex industry.

Here’s an example from the Los Angeles section:

This is clip street, hustle street - frenzied-nightactivity street: the moving back and forth against the walls; smoking, peering anxiously to spot the bulls before they spot you; the rushing in and out of Wally’s and Harry’s: long crowded malehustling bars.

And here too are the fairyqueens - the queens from Everywhere, America - the queenly exiles looking for new ‘husbands’ restlessly among the vagrant hustlers with no place to stay, and the hustlers will often clip the queens (if there is anything to clip), and the queens will go on looking for their own legendary permanent ‘Daddies’ among the older men who dig the queens’ special brand of gone sexplay, seldom finding those permanent connections, and living in Main and Spring Street holes: sometimes making it (employed and unemployed, taking their daddies and being taken by the hustlers) - sometimes, hardly, sometimes not at all.

And the malehustlers live with them off and on, making it from bar to lonesome room, bragging about the $50 score with the fruit from Bel Air who has two swimming pools, jack, and said he’d see you again (but if he didn’t show, you don’t say that), and youre clinching a dime and a nickel for draft beer at Wally’s or Harry’s or the 1-2-3 or Ji-Ji’s so you can go inside and score early, and make it with one of the vagrant young girls to prove to yourself you’re still All Right.’

From p 100 of the Grove Press 1984 reprint.

There’s a good interview with Rechy in The Independent , in which he recounts what his life was like after City of Night was a success:

In the 1970s, when I was teaching at UCLA, I’d finish my evening classes, then change my clothes somewhat and go down to hustle on Santa Monica Boulevard. One night, a student saw me down there and said ‘Good evening, Professor Rechy. Are you out for an evening stroll?’.

It would be difficult to find a more appealing sex work story than that! But also see Rechy’s other books on his website.

And a final thanks to the friend with the bookshelf - he knows who he is.

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Here’s an attempt to help young people selling sex that’s put them in more danger.

Note the rescue keywords:

  • Best Interests: police say they have the best interests of prostitutes in mind
  • Take care of health: and want to take care of their health
  • Protect: and protect them from HIV/AIDS

Now compare those stated goals with what the kids say themselves. The hotel employee’s comment at the end about ‘decent society’ is also a giveaway to what’s really going on.

Ladyboys face crackdown - Phnom Penh Post, Phnom Penh, Cambodia

29 October 2008

Gay male prostitutes have solicited on Pursat Bridge for a decade, but a police crackdown has forced them into more dangerous parts of town

Photo by Rick ValenzuelaPhoto by Rick Valenzuela: Srey Lim, a hairdresser by day and a crossdressing male prostitute at night, hangs out at one of her former streetwalking spots in Pursat town last week.

The ladyboys of Pursat - gay male prostitutes dressed as women - have been banned from soliciting on the notorious Pursat Bridge, their haunt for at least a decade, but provincial police enforcing the ban say they have the best interests of the prostitutes in mind.

“Selling sex is illegal in Cambodia. We are not allowing these prostitutes to conduct business on the bridge anymore because it has a negative impact on residents who live close by,” said Lok Sary, chief of the Pursat provincial police force.

“We also want to take care of the ladyboys’ health and protect them from HIV/Aids.”

Since the police crackdown, the ladyboys have moved their business to the shady gardens surrounding Pursat Lake, particularly a stretch between Pursat Bridge and Speanthmor Garden.

Fresh dangers

But the move has been a difficult one for the more than 50 ladyboys who work in Pursat, according to Srey Lin, 25, who has been a prostitute in the town for two years.

“If we are standing on the Pursat Bridge, it is much safer for us. The police are always nearby, Read the rest of this entry »

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Yes, okay, I know: that Working in the European Sex Industry piece sounds awkward in English. But I had to publish it since Donna Hughes put it in an academic course.

Here’s the section that people really want to see, a list of some talents required for doing sex work successfully. I get a never-ending stream of job applications because of the original of this article written in Spanish. [For the record, I do not reply to them.]

The lead-up to the list begins ’Obviously, performing oral sex on a client in a car or in an alley in the rain is not the same as spending a shift inside a club with heating, where you talk and have drinks as well as sex with clients. There are, however, some necessary abilities for carrying out these jobs well, that is, in the most efficient and less problematic manner.’

Here’s the list - whose English I have continued to leave alone. I’m terrible at translating my own writing.

• The essence of the work is giving pleasure to others. The worker who doesn’t want to or can’t do this, no matter how good-looking, will fail. The client wants to feel some kind of pleasure.

• As in other service work, the ability to relate to others is very important. To know how to listen ‘actively’, negotiate, encourage, read the body language of the other, sense what is not said and the psychology of the other. To judge when the other is not all right (and not to confuse this with physical appearance). Capacity to smooth situations and calm violent people, confronting or manipulating them. Also necessary for those who work over the telephone.

• Ability to relate to and come to appreciate people from other cultures or ethnic groups or with values different from one’s own. Diplomacy. Clients may be rejected, but income is lost. Being able to imagine the situation of the other, as much through what he wants to hide as through what he reveals. Understanding more than one language.

• Knowing oneself well is extremely important in sex work. Knowing how to use the body sexually and how to take care of oneself, minimising infections, strains and exhaustion, whether physical, emotional or spiritual. It’s necessary to know when one is tired or with little desire to work, because states of neglect often lead to danger. Self-esteem is essential.

• The worker needs a lack of shame about bodies. To be able to talk about sex and show sexual things. A good sense of humour helps.

• As with the jobs of nurses and stewardesses, it is essential to give the client the sensation that he really is desired, that giving him pleasure or taking care of him matters. This is also necessary for cultivating a loyal clientele, one that comes back. Read the rest of this entry »

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HIV and Disease - Violence and Exploitation - Crime and Punishment - Moralising and Ranting: This is what most writing about prostitution and the sex industry come down to. A few years ago, in the name of just plain knowing more about what so much debate and conflict is about, I proposed a new field of study to be called The Cultural Study of Commercial Sex. Ken Plummer at the University of Essex supported this idea by offering me a special edition of the journal Sexualities. I’ll send more information about that later; for now, suffice it to say that I’m always on the look-out for writing that says something new about sex-industry cultures.

Note: All sorts of sex businesses, from regulated brothels to street work, are included in the idea of the sex industry, and all participants are included: clients and workers (whether escorts or in brothels and massage parlours or lap dancers or street hookers). Also managers, madams, pimps, ‘traffickers’ and owners of businesses, as well as vendors who sell to workers in the venues, and so on.

Elena Jeffreys of Australia’s Scarlet Alliance of sex workers has sent me her contribution to an issue of the Journal of Australian Studies called Parading Ourselves (#89, 2006). That title is what first caught my attention. The issue is about the different meanings of public protests, marches and processions - anything that can be called a parade - and includes items on military masculinity, indigenous people’s revolt against whiteness, mardi gras and, in Jeffreys’s case, Contemporary Sex Worker Cultural Practice in Australia: Sex Workers’ Use of Sex Industry Skills in Public Protest and Performance. Here’s the link to the article, but I’m afraid only academics can get access to it without paying. 

Jeffreys notes:

Dominant social mores demand that sex workers are invisible. Discussion, disclosure, recognition and visibility of the sex industry is perceived as evidence of a ‘slight’ on society, at best impolite and, at worst, to deserve micro-management on the visual landscape with criminal penalty for non-compliance. The stigma and discrimination sex workers experience when their sex-work status is known is a punishment for their ‘indiscretion,’ however it is hard to know if it is the act of sex work that is challenging to mainstream society, or the first-person telling of such acts, by sex workers in particular.

Examples of performance/protests described:

Christmas Eve Demonstration outside Northbridge Police Station 2002

Dressed in red and green, and wearing identity-concealing fluffy white beards and face masks, the sex workers approached the Northbridge Police Station as a group . . . carrying armfuls of large boxes wrapped in glossy Christmas paper and marked with large labels. . . A song had been penned by the sex workers, titled ‘Silent Whores’ and sung to the tune of Silent Night, telling of police corruption and sex worker objections. The new laws were outlined in bold letters on the gifts, reading ‘Strip Search Without Charge,’ ’Enter Premises Without Warrant,’ ‘Move On Notice‘ and ’Restraining Order‘ framed by the message, ‘To the Police, Love from Michelle Roberts xx’.

Lamington Ladies Stall at Dumas House 20th June 2003

The West Australian sex worker community fought back by adopting what is recognised in Australia as a modern archetype of wholesome family goodness, a character you can trust with your money and what you put into your mouth – the Lamington Lady. Dressing as Lamington ladies challenged the over-sexualisation of the issue in the West Australian media and refocussed on the issue of community services. . . Pastel pink and blue tunics made the basis of the transformation, with cream and white stockings, sensible shoes, frilly aprons and catering caps. Standing behind lace topped card tables with plates of lamingtons, the activists smiled for the cameras and explained that they had lost all of their health and advocacy services

Debby Doesn’t Do It For Free, a group of performers all named Debby.

In February 2004 they performed their first full length cabaret show, complete with mock national anthem: “Advance Australia Fear” . . . and ‘Olympic Whore’, which involved performing feats of gymnastic capability while demonstrating sex on a massage table . . . Other aspects of the performance included Mr Big Pants, a politician who claims to be ‘helping’ sex workers while trampling their rights . . . and live vaginal fisting on stage whilst reading poetry . . . These performances use archetypal characters to convey little-heard messages about sex work and its complexities, from a purely sex worker perspective. 

Congratulations are due to sex workers in Australia for their cultural creativity and actions that blur the supposed lines between suffering and pleasure and injustice and power.

And if anyone wants to know what a Lamington is:

:

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Van Gogh's The Brothel

It came to my attention not long ago that a piece of my writing was included in the syllabus of a course at the University of Rhode Island called Human Trafficking and Contemporary Slavery. Mine appears to be the only reading that does not take an avidly ‘anti-trafficking’ stance. The topic for the week, Analyses of Sex Trafficking & Prostitution, has as goals ‘Read different analyses and perspectives on sex trafficking and prostitution from different philosophical and analytical perspectives: Christian, feminist, psychological, and economic migrant workers rights.’

This sounds good, but here is the list of readings:

Enslaved in America, Tina Frundt
A Christian Perspective on Sexual Trafficking, Lisa Thompson
Prostitution and Male Supremacy: A Feminist Analysis, Andrea Dworkin
Working in the European Sex Industry: Migrant Possibilities: A Sex Worker Rights Approach, Laura Agustín
The Swedish Law that Prohibits the Purchase of Sexual Services, Gunilla Ekberg
Survivors of Trafficking and Prostitution Manifesto
Not Sex Work

I believe all the other pieces are fundamentally against prostitution per se and against the idea of sex work as work ever- let me know if I’m wrong. In that case, students are not getting a rounded view of the varying ways to think about the issues. In any case, my original title did and does not include the phrase, ‘A Sex Worker Rights Approach’. That’s been added. I’d characterise the piece as anthropological, an exposition of what I’d learned through spending years hanging out with migrants who sell sex.

Lautrec's The Brothel Laundryman

The piece is a less-than-wonderful translation into English (done by me) of an article I published in a Madrid migration journal in June of 2000, which is available on this site here. I put the English online years ago and then forgot about it - it has not been published formally. Now that it’s on someone’s curriculum I wish I’d done something with it before, but anyway I can publish it here now, better late than never.

 

Background to the article

When early in 2000 the editor of a Madrid publication asked me to write an article about migrants who sell sex, she stipulated that she wanted it to be free of moralising. I agreed without for a moment imagining the enormous conflict that would arise when I turned in what to me seemed to be an innocuous, purely descriptive piece. The drama began when a well-known Madrid feminist-bureaucrat found out about the piece and intervened, demanding it be removed - in other words, overt censorship. The editor refused. Delays ensued. The conflict rose in the social-services hierarchy until it reached the councillor at the top, who passed my article to her advisers, who gave it the okay. Several months late, the issue appeared with my piece in it. The censoring femocrat was scandalised and I became famous, or notorious, depending on your point of view. Here it is.

 

Working in the European Sex Industry: Migrant Possibilities

Laura Agustín

Translated from the original Trabajar en la industria del sexo,  in OFRIM/Suplementos, June 2000. If you read Spanish, read the original, it’s better. 

Migrants who come to work in the European sex industry are of every class, colour, age, ethnicity and nationality, and they are not only women but men and transgender people as well. [1] They arrive via uncountable routes—alone, with friends, in couples or in accompanied groups. Some have money to spend, others arrive indebted. Their documentation may be true or false; some arrive with tourist visas. Many of these people have planned their trips personally over a long time, while others have been presented with an opportunity with little time for planning. Some of these potential travellers had already worked in prostitution in their own country. The great majority, agree sources from all over the world, have understood that their future work will either be prostitution directly or will have a sexual aspect. That is, they have opted for doing sex work.

Before going on I would like to point out that the subject of this essay is not to try to explain why prostitution exists, looking for its causes; nor is it define or judge it within any theoretical framework such as feminism, postmodernism etc. Nor am I going to identify which groups or individuals are found more in this industry and how the involved migratory networks function. Above all I will not be dealing with the question of whether any human being can really ‘choose’ how he works, whether in prostitution or anything else.

I begin with the fact that many migrants doing sexual jobs do not describe themselves as ‘forced’ or without other options in life. They may have fewer options or fewer agreeable options than other people, but they have them. It is also important to point out that among those who suffer from poverty, bad marriages and the entire array of possible causing factors, not all opt for sex work, as not all opt to migrate. No type of determinism can explain completely the human phenomenon of choice. Every choice is intervened by questions of class, gender, ethnicity, economic level and the social conditions at the moment in their country (war, dictatorship, famine, violence, unemployment etc.

Migrants act inside these geopolitical and economic structures and dynamics. The ‘underdeveloped’ countries suffer from the well-known policy of ‘structural adjustment’ imposed by the International Monetary Fund. The feminisation of poverty and migrations exists. Moreover, opportunities seem to be diminishing all the time, even for people with university degrees. However, within all this, migrants take actions and decisions motivated by the desire to live better. These are life-decisions they take when they uproot themselves from their homes, considering themselves brave and adventuresome, including when the future implies sex work.

While the majority of sex workers is female, increasingly they are men, transgenders and boy and girl children. Sexual services are desire also by women and transgenders, and not only by men. In an industry characterised by its ambiguities, it is better not to perpetuate the classical assumption of woman-prostitute/man-client. I will speak in neutral terms whenever possible.

Migrants more than once

These migrants play a transnational role within globalisation processes. Studies of migrations between, for example, the Caribbean and the ‘first world’ describe the powerful mentality of transnational migrants: the conviction of a Jamaican of the 1950s that London was his ‘capital’’ the effort that migrants from Nevis make to conserve the island as their ‘country’ though they live in Brooklyn; the great capacity to exist in two places at once of ‘dominican yorks’ (Hall, Fog Olwig, Guarnizo and others). Businesses engaged in charter flights, messenger services, long-distance phone calls, Internet and electronic transfers of money have much to tell us about these phenomena.

The fact of having a job in the sex industry does not take his transnational role away from a migrant. Moreover, migrant prostitutes are a special phenomenon: It is normal for them not to settle in one place to live. They continue migrating, or, rather, they continue travelling. The sex worker you encounter today in Madrid you may find tomorrow in Paris, next month in Amsterdam and a year later in Spain again. And this is not solely the result of efforts to avoid police controls; there exists a culture in which people want to get to know Europe and which people have their preferred places. Although they are often poor and illegal, many travel in a cosmopolitan fashion.

The European press almost always presents the subject of these trips in terms of deceived victims. In this essay the subject is those who have chosen, inside their possibilities, por a trip ‘arranged’ for a Some have chosen arranged jobs also; they have actively searched for opportunities in their home countries. There are those who have searched for them as well, to sell them trips and jobs in Europe: in this group are agents (known by a variety of names, from empresarios and travel agents to coyotes, snakeheads, and tourist boy- and girl-friends who have met them during their vacations, as well as family members and friends. When these travellers feel deceived, it is usual for them to complain of the labour conditions they have to accept at their destination. Frequently they have signed a contract without understanding the extensive surveillance and little liberty that it implies. That is, someone who is familiar with a few kinds of prostitution in his own country (for example, dancing with clients in a bar and having sex with two or three in one night cannot know beforehand how he is going to feel standing nude in a window in Amsterdam for twelve or fourteen hours a day, or standing next to a road in the Casa de Campo in Madrid). These are forms of prostitution which can be described as ‘industrial’. [2]

We are already talking of prostitution as work.[3] What does this work consist of? First it is necessary to ask: Which? Read the rest of this entry »

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I published this five years ago but it feels as relevant as ever. In those years, the assumption among certain groups that migrating people are pathetic victims has solidified into a simple ‘fact’. Another group sees all migrants as predatory scroungers, an equally exaggerated position.

Once at a seminar where I’d spoken, an academic got quite upset while trying to get me to admit that the poor of this world are victims objectively, by definition because of ‘global structural inequalities’. I replied that I understood how she, coming from her subject position of white, middle-class woman identifying as socialist, produced poor people this way. ‘What I’m saying is that, if you move over to the poor person’s place and ask them how they see their situation, they may well not produce such an image of themselves. I thought the woman was going to go through the roof with outrage at my inability to see the facts!

Of course I believe that the world is a place of terrible differences between the poor and the rich, where men almost always have more power and money. It’s not fair. But given the unfairness, I prefer to listen to how people describe their own realities rather than create static, generalised categories like Exploited Victims. I also don’t agree that poor people only leave their countries because they are forced to, with no possibility for their desires and abilities to think and weigh risks. The same goes for people who get into prostitution or sex work - I prefer to give the heaviest weight to what they say they are doing!

Here’s the longer version!

Forget Victimisation: Granting Agency to Migrants

Development, 46.3, 30-36 (2003)

Laura Agustín

There is a growing tendency to victimise poor people, weak people, uneducated people and migrant people. The trend, which began as a way of drawing attention to specific forms of violence committed against women, has now become a way of describing everyone on the lower rungs of power. Routinely, supporters position them as victims in order to claim rights for them, but this move also turns them into victims, and victims need help, need saving—which gives a primary role to supporters. Much rhetoric about migration has fallen into this pattern: migrants, it turns out, are not only vulnerable to exploitation, a patent truth, but they are ‘victims’.

The other choice, according to sensationalist media treatments, is criminal. Since news on migrants is reported only when disasters befall them, or when they are caught in something ‘illegal’, they can only be positioned in one of these two ways: as past victims of poverty or conflict in their home states and present victims of criminal bands, or as criminals who take advantage of such victims. The victims need to be saved, and the criminals to be punished. This reductionism encourages the idea that there is something inherently dangerous about being a migrant. Since migrants are usually seen as people from the third world, the positioning of so many of them as victims—of economic restructuring if not of criminal agents—harks back unsettlingly to the old category of the ‘native’. And since migrants nowadays are so often women, these natives are constituted as backward, developmentally less than first-world women. This is most overt, of course, in ‘trafficking’ discourses (for example, in Barry, 1979) but can now be heard in general talk about ‘illegal’ migrants. Read the rest of this entry »

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Un nuovo ordine per le strade: Prostitute, poveri e irregolari nell’Italia dell’ossessione sicuritaria (A new order for the streets: Prostitutes, the poor and irregular migrants in an Italy obsessed with security) by Pietro Saitta

Here’s an article published in terrelibere, in Italian, in an academic style, presenting research with Romanian sex workers/prostitutes in Messina (Sicily). The author is interested in how municipal ordinances to keep streets ’safe’ lead to repression of street prostitutes who are seen as irregular/unauthorised/undocumented migrants. The author argues that while police and other security-conscious social actors say they want to protect women, their actions do nothing of the kind. The abstract reads:

L’articolo illustra i risultati di una ricerca etnografica realizzata nella città di Messina, avente per oggetto il mondo della prostituzione eterosessuale di origine romena. Impiegando una pluralità di fonti, l’autore mette in relazione i piani locale e nazionale e sostiene che quelle messe in atto non sono politiche di contrasto della prostituzione, ma politiche “d’ordine” e di controllo delle migrazioni clandestine. Con questo si sottolinea il fallimento delle misure di tutela delle persone sfruttate e l’impiego strumentale e paradossale dei diritti umani per condurre una battaglia contro donne, soggetti marginali e poveri.

Meaning, roughly: This article presents the results of ethnographic research on Romanian heterosexual prostitution carried out in the city of Messina. Using different sources of information, the author describes local and national levels and claims that current policies implemented by the Italian authorities do not (really) combat prostitution but rather are policies ‘of order’ aimed at controlling illegal migrations. The paper highlights the failure of measures intended to support exploited people and suggests that we are witnessing the instrumental and paradoxical employment of human rights to conduct a struggle against women, marginal people and the poor.

The author quotes a city ordinance saying that prostitution leads to street distubances that threaten the security of the streets.  

Nell’ordinanza del sindaco di Roma Gianni Alemanno contro la prostituzione, si sottolinea che ‘attività di meretricio produce gravi situazioni di turbativa alla sicurezza stradale, a causa di comportamenti gravemente imprudenti, in violazione del Codice della strada, di soggetti che, alla guida dei propri veicoli, sono alla ricerca di prestazioni sessuali […] Nel provvedimento inoltre si sottolinea anche come l’uso da parte delle prostitute “di un abbigliamento indecoroso e indecente’ sia ‘motivo di distrazione per gli utenti della strada e causa di frequenti incidenti stradali’.

Numerous Spanish cities have passed street ordinances, or are discussing doing so, which name prostitution as one of several anti-social activities to be prohibited in their streets.  More on those another day.

Read the Italian article here.

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